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November 26, 2001
Two Cheers
For The End Of The SAT
By Alfie Kohn, Chronicle of Higher Education
LOS ANGELES -- One imagines the folks at the College
Board blushing deeply when, a few years back, they announced that the
"A" in SAT no longer stood for "Aptitude." Scarlet,
after all, would be an appropriate color to turn while, in effect, conceding
that the test wasn't -- and, let's face it, never had been -- a measure
of intellectual aptitude.
For a brief period, the examination was rechristened the Scholastic Assessment
Test, a name presumably generated by the Department of Redundancy Department.
Today, literally -- and perhaps figuratively -- SAT doesn't stand for
anything at all.
It wasn't the significance of the shift in the SAT's name that recently
produced an epiphany for Richard C. Atkinson, president of the University
of California. Rather, the tipping point in deciding to urge the elimination
of the SAT as a requirement for admission came last year during a visit
to the upscale private school his grandchildren attend.
There, he watched as 12-year-olds were drilled on verbal analogies, part
of an extended training that, he said in announcing his proposal, "was
not aimed at developing the students' reading and writing abilities but
rather their test taking skills." More broadly, he argued, "America's
overemphasis on the SAT is compromising our educational system."
Of course, it must be pointed out that U.C., assuming its policy-making
bodies accept their president's advice, would not be the first institution
to drop the SAT. Hundreds of colleges and universities, including Bates,
Bowdoin, Connecticut, and Mount Holyoke Colleges, no longer require the
SAT or ACT. A survey by FairTest, a Cambridge, Mass.-based advocacy group,
reported that such colleges are generally well-satisfied that "applicant
pools and enrolled classes have become more diverse without any loss in
academic quality."
On balance, this latest and most significant challenge to the reign of
the SAT is very welcome news indeed. There is a possible downside as well,
but we should begin by recognizing that even before colleges began hopping
off
the SAT bandwagon, the assumption that they needed something like the
test to help them decide whom to admit was difficult to defend, if only
because of a powerful counterexample to our north: No such test is used
in
Canada. But the more one learns about the SAT in particular, the more
one wonders what took Atkinson so long, and what is taking many of his
counterparts even longer.
Consider this, the SAT is a measure of resources more than of reasoning.
Year after year, the College Board's own statistics depict a virtually
linear correlation between SAT scores and family income. Each rise in
earnings (measured in $10,000 increments) brings a commensurate rise in
scores. Other research, meanwhile, has found that more than half the difference
among students' scores can be explained purely on the basis of parents'
level of education.
Aggregate scores don't reflect educational achievement. SAT results are
still sometimes used to compare one state with another or one year with
another. Unfortunately, not only is the test voluntary, but participation
rates vary enormously by state and district. The researchers Brian Powell
and Lala Carr Steelman, writing in a 1996 issue of the Harvard Educational
Review, reported that those rates account for a whopping 85 percent of
the variance in scores; when fewer students take the test, a state's results
end up looking much better. Similarly, even if it is true that average
national scores have declined over the decades (once we factor in the
statistical readjustment that took place in 1996), that is mostly because
more students,
relatively speaking, are now taking the test.
Individual scores don't reflect a student's intellectual depth. The verbal
section of the SAT is basically just a vocabulary test. It is not a measure
of aptitude or of subject-area competency. So what does it measure, other
than the size of students' houses?
An interesting 1995 study with students at East Carolina University classified
them as taking a "surface" approach to their assignments (meaning
they memorized facts and did as little as possible); a "deep"
approach (informed by a genuine desire to understand and a penchant for
connecting current lessons with previous knowledge); or an "achieving"
approach (where performance, particularly as compared with that of others,
mattered more than learning). SAT scores turned out to be significantly
correlated with both
the surface and achieving approaches, but not at all with the deep approach.
(That finding has been replicated with the results of other standardized
tests taken by younger students, lending support to the criticism that
such
examinations tend to measure what matters least.)
SAT's don't predict the future. A considerable amount of research, including
but not limited to a summary of more than 600 studies published by the
College Board in 1984, has found that only about 12 to 16 percent of the
variance in freshman grades could be explained by SAT scores, suggesting
that they are not particularly useful even with respect to that limited
variable -- and virtually worthless at predicting how students will fare
after their freshman year (and whether they will graduate)
SAT's don't contribute to diversity. Far from offering talented minority
students a way to prove their worth, the overall effect of the SAT has
been to ratify entrenched patterns of discrimination. Maria Blanco, a
regional
counsel with the Mexican American Legal Defense and Educational Fund,
remarked recently that the SAT "has turned into a barrier to students
of color," because it "keeps out very qualified kids who have
overcome obstacles but don't test very well."
Colleges looking to put together a racially and ethnically diverse student
body are, therefore, already likely to minimize the significance of standardized-test
scores.
Unhappily, though, some people committed to affirmative action -- and
even more who are opposed to it -- have treated the SAT as a marker for
merit and then argued about whether it is legitimate to set scores aside.
Should a
desire for equity sometimes override the desire for excellence? But that
question is utterly misconceived.
SAT's, like other standardized tests, do not further the cause of equity
or excellence. Such tests privilege the privileged and reflect a skill
at taking tests. Few people -- other than those who profit handsomely
from its
administration -- will mourn the SAT when it finally breathes its last.
And now the bad news: Unless we are very careful, a long-overdue move
to jettison SAT scores may simply ratchet up the significance accorded
to other admissions criteria that are little better and possibly even
worse. Atkinson suggested that, at least in the short run, colleges might
switch to the SAT 2, better known as achievement tests. While that may
be a step forward in some respects, it may have the effect of creating
a standardized, exam-based high-school curriculum that could squeeze out
other kinds of teaching. That is already beginning to happen as states
impose their own exit tests: Teachers feel compelled to cover vast amounts
of content, often superficially, rather than letting students discover
ideas.
The more ominous threat, though, is that, as the SAT fades, it will be
replaced by high-school grades. There is a widespread assumption that
less emphasis on scores as an admissions criterion has to mean more emphasis
on grades, as though nature has decreed an inverse relationship between
the two. But for grades to be given more emphasis would be terribly unfortunate.
On the most obvious level, grades are unreliable indicators of student
achievement.
A "B" from one teacher or school doesn't equate to a "B"
from somewhere else; in fact, some studies have shown that a given assignment
may even receive two different grades from a single teacher who reads
it at two different times. Most people know that is true; tests like the
SAT are more dangerous because they are falsely assumed to be objective.
What is far more disturbing about even the current emphasis on grades,
let alone the prospect of enhancing their ignificance, is the damage they
do when students are led to compulsively groom their transcripts.
Researchers have found three consistent effects of focusing attention
on traditional grades. First, interest in the learning itself tends to
decline. Many studies have shown that the more people are rewarded for
doing something, the more they tend to lose interest in whatever they
had to do to get the reward. While it's not impossible for a student to
be concerned about getting high marks and also to enjoy playing with ideas,
the practical reality is that there is a negative correlation between
a grade orientation and a learning
orientation.
Second, focusing on grades tends to reduce the quality of students' thinking.
One series of studies by the researcher Ruth Butler found that graded
students were significantly less creative than those who received only
qualitative feedback. The more the task required creative thinking, in
fact, the worse the performance of students who knew they were going to
receive a grade.
In another experiment by two University of Rochester researchers, reported
in 1987, students who were told they would be graded on how well they
learned a social-studies lesson had more trouble understanding the main
point of the assigned text than did students who were told that no grades
would be involved. Even on a measure of rote recall, the graded group
remembered fewer facts a week later.
Finally, concern about grades often reduces a student's preference for
challenging tasks. Those who cut corners -- who choose short books, undemanding
projects, and "gut" courses -- are not being lazy so much as
rational; they are responding to the imperative to bring up their grade-point
averages.
If it's worrisome that SAT coaching sessions take time away from meaningful
intellectual pursuits, then it's worse that an admissions policy that
causes students to become obsessed with grades could undermine the intellectual
value of virtually everything they do in high school. Indeed, it can create
intellectual dispositions that persist in and beyond college.
From that perspective, complaints about "grade inflation" are
a spectacular exercise in missing the point. The problem isn't that too
many students are getting A's; the problem is that too many students are
getting the idea that the whole point of school is to get A's.
The only thing worse than placing added emphasis on the G.P.A. is placing
added emphasis on relative G.P.A. Some state systems now want to guarantee
acceptance to all students in a top percentage of their class. Here, the
emphasis is not merely on performance (as opposed to learning), but on
victory.
A considerable body of data demonstrates that creating competition among
students is decidedly detrimental with respect to achievement and
motivation to learn. The urgent question should not be whether high-school
class rank is correlated with college grades, but whether secondary schools
can maintain (or create) a focus on intellectual exploration when their
students are forced to view their classmates as obstacles to their own
access.
Where does all this leave us? Those willing to ask the truly radical questions
about college admissions might consider an observation offered 30 years
ago during a public lecture at the Educational Testing Service by the
psychologist David McClelland. Rather than asking what criteria best predict
success in higher education, he asked whether colleges should even be
looking for the most-qualified students.
"One would think that the purpose of education is precisely to improve
the performance of those who are not doing very well," he mused.
"If the colleges were interested in proving that they could educate
people, high-scoring students might be poor bets because they would be
less likely to show improvement in performance."
Many of us will find that challenge too unsettling, preferring that we
continue to admit those students who will probably be easiest to educate.
But even if we are looking for the "best" students, we ought
to see G.P.A. numbers and SAT scores as a matched set of flawed criteria.
Grades-and-tests, at best, will predict future grades-and-tests. Although
some would dispute that, there is good evidence that grades don't predict
later-life success, in occupational or intellectual terms.
In the 1980's, a review of 35 studies, published in the American Educational
Research Journal, concluded that academic indicators (grades and tests)
from college -- never mind high school -- accounted for less than 3 percent
of the variance in eventual occupational performance as judged by income,
job-effectiveness ratings, and job satisfaction. Moreover, those indicators
had no predictive power whatsoever for M.D.'s and Ph.D.'s.
When Mount Holyoke College, after a lengthy study by faculty members,
announced last year that it would stop requiring students to submit SAT
scores, the president, Joanne Creighton, did not limit her criticism to
that test.
"There has been a kind of reductionism in higher education, reducing
students and institutions to numbers," she said. Similarly, Atkinson
said that he had recommended "that all campuses move away from admission
processes that use narrowly defined quantitative formulas and instead
adopt
procedures that look at applicants in a comprehensive, holistic way."
Doing so will not be an easy sell, if only because it is faster and therefore
cheaper for universities that hear from tens of thousands of applicants
to continue reducing each one to a numerical formula, rather than to weigh
each as an individual. A move from SAT to G.P.A. -- or SAT 1 to SAT 2
-- will merely fine-tune the formula.
That would be a pity, because the attention given Atkinson's proposal
has provided us with an opportunity to confront larger and more lasting
issues.
The current educational ethos is one of customization, he says, and distance
education offers students the most customizable education. "We don't
think of a course as creating an experience that will be identical for
all students," he says. "Internet courses allow that flexibility
to play out."
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